Tommy

Historical Depravity · Episode 8

King Charles Ii

1,812 words

Tommy the Hamburger is here again, and this is Historical Depravity, where we dig up the polished bones of history, crack them open, and show you the rot they tried to dress up as greatness. They called these people kings, visionaries, captains of industry, patriots, reformers, whatever flattering bullshit helped the blood dry faster. I'm here to show you what they actually were. Charles II gets sold as the pleasant face of restored monarchy. The Merry Monarch. The witty survivor. The king who brought back theaters, laughter, appetite, style, women, dogs, and charm after the drab grind of Puritan rule. In the cheap version of the story he is basically a good time with a crown, a man too worldly to be a zealot and too amused by life to be properly cruel. Even when people admit the reign had ugliness in it, they frame him as lighter, looser, more forgiving than the grim bastards on either side. That myth is built to hide a different kind of depravity. Charles was not memorable mainly because he was blood drenched in the obvious way some rulers were. He is memorable because restored monarchy under him mixed charm, revenge, state repression, colonial expansion, and elite indulgence into a regime that could look easygoing while still leaving bodies, bondage, and wreckage all over the floor. His danger was not theatrical madness. It was polished appetite joined to selective cruelty. That is the category line on him. Myth says Charles II restored pleasure and moderation. Reality says his reign restored monarchy with all the old violence tucked inside a smoother smile, then widened its profits through empire and slavery while punishing enemies when it suited the crown. He looked relaxed because so much of the suffering was shoved outward or downward. His background matters. Son of a king whose head came off in public. Exiled prince learning how unstable power really is. A man who spent years bargaining, hiding, flattering, waiting, and watching the whole English constitutional order get ripped apart and stitched back together in blood. That kind of education teaches caution, yes, but it also teaches resentment. By the time he came back in 1660, he knew monarchy had survived by negotiation and spectacle, but he also knew exactly what had been done to his father. He was never going to treat enemies as harmless disagreement. And that is why the early Restoration matters so much. Charles did not return only with charm. He returned with settlement and retribution braided together. Some regicides were hunted down, executed, mutilated, and displayed. The restored crown made a lesson out of bodies. That is not just revenge porn for royalists. It is a founding gesture of the restored regime. The king who gets remembered as easygoing began by helping reassert monarchy through exemplary violence against the men associated with his father's death. Fuck me sideways, that is the whole trick with Charles. He keeps getting remembered for the laughter in the room while people forget what was being done outside the room to keep the laughter possible. He was not merciful in any clean sense. He was selective. Some enemies were absorbed. Others were ruined. Some tensions were managed with flexibility. Others were crushed, displaced, or monetized. Take religion. The mythology of Charles as a natural tolerant sounds pretty until you remember how the Restoration settlement treated dissent. The Clarendon Code did not fall from the sky. The restored Church and state pushed conformity hard, penalized nonconformity, and made religious difference politically dangerous again. Charles could maneuver, dissemble, and occasionally lean toward indulgence when it suited foreign policy or dynastic calculation, but the wider regime still used law to squeeze people outside the approved ecclesiastical order. Toleration under him was never some broad humane principle. It was tactical, partial, and unstable as hell. Then there is Ireland, where the cheerful myth should be buried under a stone. Restoration politics there were soaked in land, confiscation, settlement, hierarchy, and the long afterlife of conquest. Charles did not invent English domination in Ireland, obviously, but his reign helped stabilize and legitimize a colonial structure built on earlier dispossession and ongoing inequality. When people call him merry, they are not talking from the land questions or from the populations that had to live inside English imperial ordering. They are talking from the court outward, which is exactly the dishonest angle these myths always choose. And if you really want the filth underneath the velvet, you have to look at empire and slavery. Charles II is tied directly to the expansion of England's slave trading machinery through royal backing and chartered companies. This is not side trivia. It is central. The crown under Charles sat close to the growth of a system that turned African bodies into imperial revenue. The Royal African Company is not a footnote to a jolly reign. It is one of the clearest signs that restored monarchy could party in London while financing human cargo across the Atlantic. That is depravity in its colder form. Not the hot tempered slash of a tyrant in a hallway, but the smooth official blessing of mass suffering for profit. Ships, charters, monopoly rights, branding, transport, sale, death at sea, plantation labor, dynastic money, court connected enrichment. People hear "Charles II" and think actresses and spaniels. They should also think of iron, holds, forced passage, and a monarchy helping normalize the English future in slavery. The colonial file broadens from there. Restoration expansion was commercial, maritime, and deeply entangled with violence pushed across distance. A ruler can look gentler at home when the empire is doing ugly work elsewhere. That is part of Charles's false legacy. He appears less monstrous partly because so much of the regime's hardest cruelty moved through charters, companies, plantations, naval force, and subordinate authorities instead of one king publicly roaring for blood. But distance does not cleanse responsibility. If anything, it makes the moral evasions more polished. The court itself was another part of the poison. Charles's sexual politics, patronage culture, and habitual indulgence gave later nostalgia plenty to work with, but the same court also ran on access, favor, dependency, and the conversion of intimate life into political currency. Mistresses were not just glamorous ornaments. They were tied to money, influence, reputation, and faction. Courtiers did not merely party. They maneuvered inside a system where rank and pleasure fused, while the kingdom carried the fiscal and political costs of aristocratic appetite. That appetite mattered in the financial life of the state. Charles's reign was full of bargaining between crown and Parliament, foreign subsidy arrangements, court spending, and continual pressure around revenue. The Stop of the Exchequer in 1672 is one of the clearest signs that the regime's style of rule had real consequences for trust and public finance. A crown that interrupts payments and jerks the financial order around is not just making a technical adjustment. It is telling the whole governing class that royal convenience outranks systemic stability. Even the disasters of the reign show the limits of the merry myth. The plague and the Great Fire are often folded into the period as if Charles were a colorful witness to catastrophe. But plague government, urban response, relief, order, rebuilding, and public confidence all intersected with monarchy. He did not single handedly cause those disasters, and pretending otherwise is stupid. The real question is how a restored regime organized care, authority, and public trust under pressure. Charles's reign does not belong in this category because he lit London on fire or personally summoned pestilence. It belongs here because the shiny monarchy myth still tries to use his wit and style to distract from the regime's deeper relationship to punishment, hierarchy, extraction, and colonialized violence. The Popish Plot and Exclusion Crisis should finish off any fantasy that his reign was fundamentally easygoing. Those years show a kingdom full of panic, conspiracy culture, succession dread, anti Catholic frenzy, legal aggression, and hard political maneuvering. Charles could be cool headed compared with some of the lunatics around him, yes. He could also use that cooler disposition to preserve monarchical authority while letting fear and repression do their work where useful. Not every depraved ruler needs to foam at the mouth. Some are most dangerous when they know how to ride hysteria without fully marrying it. That is part of why the "Merry Monarch" label is so rotten. It confuses court style with moral substance. If a king smiles, jokes, seduces, and patronizes the arts, later memory starts handing him a discount on the rest. But charm is one of power's oldest laundering agents. Charm lets brutality wear lace cuffs. Charm lets exploitation sound civilized. Charm makes later generations feel like they know the ruler personally, and once they feel that, they start forgiving structures they would condemn in any less entertaining bastard. And the victims here are easy to lose because they are not all gathered around one scaffold. They include the executed regicides and dissidents, yes, but also the nonconformists pressed by law, the Irish populations living inside restored domination, the Africans carried into English slave systems under royal sanction, the colonial subjects folded into profit making violence, the debt burdened and displaced who do not usually show up in the soft focus portraits of Restoration elegance. Charles's reign distributed suffering widely enough that nostalgia can hide it by scattering it. That scattering is the key to his false legacy. Some kings are remembered as monsters because they concentrated violence in one visible place. Charles gets remembered as civilized because so much of the damage under him was diffused through institutions, companies, colonies, legal codes, and polite court culture. But distributed cruelty is still cruelty. In some ways it is worse, because it leaves later generations more room to pretend nobody in silk and powder could have been at the center of anything truly vile. That is the filth the smile was for. Charm was not the opposite of violence in Charles's reign. Charm was the upholstery wrapped around it. So file Charles II correctly. File him not as the lovable antidote to Puritan severity, not as the harmless patron of pleasure, and not as a monarch whose charm softened the old violence of kingship. File him as a restored king whose regime fused selective vengeance, confessional pressure, colonial domination, and slave trading expansion with a court culture rich enough to make later fools call the whole thing merry. File the wit as camouflage. File the empire as evidence. File the myth as one more aristocratic lie told by people standing far enough away from the suffering to enjoy the wallpaper. That is the depravity on record. The myth is smaller now, the stink is stronger, and the body count is still the body count. See you in the next grave I have to dig up.