Tommy

Historical Depravity · Episode 58

Fda Opiate Approval

1,892 words

Tommy the Hamburger is here again, and this is Historical Depravity, where we dig up the polished bones of history, crack them open, and show you the rot they tried to dress up as greatness. They called these people kings, visionaries, captains of industry, patriots, reformers, whatever flattering bullshit helped the blood dry faster. I'm here to show you what they actually were. The mythology around the FDA is simple and comforting. White coats, sober review, independent experts, hard questions, stern caution, and a clean firewall between public health and corporate greed. That is the fantasy Americans are encouraged to keep in their heads when they look at the seal and the paperwork. The agency is supposed to be the gatekeeper, the place where the line finally hardens, where industry salesmanship goes to die if the product is too dangerous, too deceptive, or too poorly understood. The opioid approval story shreds that fantasy. Not because the FDA single handedly created the opioid crisis. That would be too neat and too stupid. Purdue, the Sacklers, aggressive marketing, pliant doctors, distributor failures, pharmacy culture, and wider pain treatment ideology all belong in the graveyard too. But the FDA sits in this story as one of the institutions that should have slowed the machine and instead helped legitimize it. It provided regulatory language, approval signals, and public reassurance in a system already tilting toward catastrophe. It did not need to be the sole villain to be historically filthy. It only needed to act like a guard dog and behave like a half sedated house pet. Fuck me sideways, that is bad enough. The myth says the FDA carefully weighs risks and benefits in the public interest. The reality says agencies can be structurally softened by industry pressure, political fashion, internal culture, and the seductive prestige of speed, innovation, and partnership. The myth says approval is proof that a product has been responsibly evaluated in all the ways that matter. The reality says approval can become a kind of laundering device, giving dangerous commercial narratives the shine of official seriousness even when the long tail risks are poorly restrained or poorly respected. The opioid era exposed exactly that kind of rot. OxyContin's approval in the 1990s matters here not because it was the only bad decision, but because it became emblematic of a larger failure in gatekeeping. The FDA allowed a product to enter the market with labeling and framing that helped support the idea that its extended release formulation reduced abuse concerns in a meaningful way. In practice, the drug was rapidly overprescribed, aggressively marketed, and treated as if modern formulation had somehow changed the old brutal truth about opioids: they can relieve pain, yes, but they can also hook people, ruin people, and kill people at enormous scale if you build a culture of casual mass exposure around them. The issue is not that nobody knew opioids carried addiction risk. Of course they did. The issue is that the regulatory environment helped create room for companies to present new opioid products as manageable, modern, and medically responsible in ways that fed expansive prescribing. Once the gatekeeper lets that narrative move with institutional blessing, the sales force does the rest with a smile. Doctors hear safer. Patients hear safer. Systems hear manageable. Money hears go. And the deeper filth is that this happened in an era already full of pressure to treat pain more aggressively and move products faster. You can call that cultural context if you want. Fine. But context is not absolution. Historical depravity often works through fashionable consensus. Whole sectors can decide that caution is outdated, friction is bureaucracy, and skepticism is cruelty. In the opioid case, undertreated pain became a major talking point, and it got braided together with pharmaceutical ambition and regulatory softness in ways that turned a serious medical concern into a commercial disaster zone. Once you understand that, the FDA's problem stops looking like one bad signature on one bad form. The real issue is institutional orientation. Was the agency functioning as a hard edged public health backstop, or was it increasingly willing to operate in a climate where faster approvals, closer industry alignment, and market friendly interpretations were treated as signs of modern efficiency? Because if the culture tilts too far toward partnership with the industries you regulate, the whole thing starts to smell like capture even when everyone involved keeps talking in the language of science. And yes, the user fee structure matters here. When a regulator becomes significantly dependent on industry linked fee flows to sustain review operations, that does not mean every scientist turns into a bought stooge overnight. But it does mean the institution lives in a more compromised psychological and political environment. The regulated are no longer just adversaries or subjects of scrutiny. They become, in practice, funders in the broader operational ecosystem. That is not a small detail. That changes the weather inside a building. The revolving door culture made it worse. Officials moving between regulatory service and industry friendly roles help produce exactly the kind of soft focus professional culture that makes hard public health confrontation rarer than it should be. Nobody needs a briefcase full of cash slid across a table for capture to happen. Sometimes all you need is a shared world of ambition, prestige, deference, and future opportunity. The language stays clean. The consequences do not. The human cost of this softness was not abstract. It looked like pills prescribed into homes across the country under a haze of reassurance, optimism, and normalized medical trust. It looked like patients who started with legitimate pain treatment and ended up chemically cornered. It looked like communities where overprescribing became ordinary, where cabinets filled with opioids, where diversion exploded, where misuse widened, where addiction moved through families and friend networks, where heroin and fentanyl later took over the back half of a disaster whose front end had been dressed up as medicine. That point matters because a lot of cleanup narratives try to split the crisis into separate compartments. First there was good medical prescribing, then somehow a bad illicit market appeared later. But the reality is messier and uglier. Broad exposure matters. Risk normalization matters. Regulatory framing matters. If a product class gets expanded aggressively with institutional blessing, the downstream harms do not magically become someone else's problem once the bottles leave the pharmacy. The line between licit and illicit is often just the path addiction takes after the original controlled environment stops containing it. The FDA does not own every overdose death. But it helped set terms under which dangerous products were understood, trusted, and distributed. That is enough to put it in the historical file. Gatekeepers have special moral weight because their failure does not just add one bad actor to the pile. It weakens the public's last claim to having been protected at all. And that betrayal cuts deep because the public relationship to a regulator is built on delegated trust. Ordinary people do not personally replicate drug reviews in their garages. Doctors do not all independently reverse engineer the totality of industry data every time a new product arrives. People rely on institutions. They assume somebody serious has looked hard and said this can be used under defensible conditions. If that institutional seriousness is bent, softened, or politically compromised, the scale of the downstream damage can become enormous before the average person even understands what happened. The false legacy around the FDA in the opioid era usually takes one of two fake respectable forms. The first says regulators acted in good faith with the evidence they had, and the real villains came later when companies and prescribers abused the trust. The second says the whole thing was just a tragic systems failure with no real center of agency. Both versions smooth out too much. Yes, some people acted in good faith. Yes, the evidence and the politics evolved. But the institutional orientation still matters. Labels, approvals, assumptions, review culture, and risk framing are not neutral scenery. They shape markets, medicine, and mass belief. And once harm became unmistakable, the pattern was depressingly familiar: slow correction, fragmented accountability, no single clean moment of institutional self condemnation proportionate to the scale of the wreckage. Some labels changed. Some scrutiny increased. Abuse deterrent language and reformulations entered the picture. Public rhetoric hardened. But that does not undo the years in which legitimacy had already been conferred and commercial momentum had already done its work. This is part of what makes regulatory depravity so maddening. It rarely looks cinematic enough for popular memory. There is no dictator on a balcony and no obvious crime scene perimeter. There are committees, review memos, formulations, advisory language, and the calm voice of procedural authority. Then years later there are graveyards, overdoses, foster care surges, broken counties, overloaded emergency rooms, grandparents raising children, and entire local economies warped by addiction, death, and incapacity. The first half sounds boring, so people underestimate how murderous the second half can become. And notice how nicely this whole pattern fits the American style of institutional self deception. We love systems where everybody can point at somebody else. The company says the regulator approved it. The regulator says the company misrepresented or oversold it. Doctors say they trusted the label and the guidance. Politicians say they were responding to pain concerns. Distributors say they filled legal orders. Everybody finds a smaller mirror so they do not have to look straight at the full body count. That is why the FDA belongs in this file. Not because it stands alone, but because the mythology surrounding it is so useful and so false. The agency is imagined as the point where the public interest finally becomes concrete. In the opioid story, it often looked instead like an institution vulnerable to the same American disease that infects everything else: too much deference to industry, too much faith in managed risk language, too much appetite for procedural legitimacy without enough hard resistance when the commercial stakes are high. So no, I am not interested in the easy line that the FDA simply made some mistakes. Mistakes are part of life. This was more than that. This was institutional softness inside a crisis making system, with consequences written across bodies, homes, counties, and generations. And I am not interested in the story that the opioid disaster only becomes morally real once the pills leave the legal supply chain. By then the gate had already been opened, the trust had already been cashed in, and the exposure had already spread. The myth says the FDA stood above the opioid era as a neutral scientific referee. The reality says it helped confer legitimacy inside a captured and commercially aggressive environment that needed much harder resistance than it got. The myth says approval meant rigorous protection had prevailed. The reality says approval often became part of the sales architecture. The myth says the crisis was mainly about reckless users and corrupt companies. The reality says the regulator that should have been harder to fool, pressure, or soften was not hard enough. That is the depravity on record. The myth is smaller now, the stink is stronger, and the body count is still the body count. See you in the next grave I have to dig up.